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This case study is one of a series detailing how schools and out-of-school-time (OST) programs in six communities have collaborated to build students' social and emotional skills. The communities are participants in Wallace's Partnerships for Social and Emotional Learning Initiative, which has brought together school districts and their OST partners to develop and implement mutually reinforcing social and emotional learning (SEL) activities and instruction across learning settings.The piece features Lister Elementary School in Tacoma and its efforts to build a schoolwide commitment to SEL. It describes how, over time, Lister school leaders and staff members integrated a focus on racial equity and restorative practices into its SEL approach. The school used four key strategies as its work evolved, including gaining and maintaining staff buy-in to the effort, building racial equity and restorative practices into its SEL resources, designing and delivering a range of professional supports to build staff members' SEL and equity capacity, and reframing SEL and equity work as complementary to (rather than competing with) academic priorities.
Despite the growing popularity of WBL, the community college and workforce development fields need greater transparency and clarity on the design of these programs to broaden workforce pathways, ensure the transferability of exemplary program models, and support the advancement of equitable outcomes for all students, especially learners from historically underserved and underprivileged backgrounds. In this report, we highlight case studies of emerging program models across the United States to understand the motivation, goals, and design of paid WBL opportunities available at two-year colleges. This report outlines four recommendations for community college leaders and state policymakers. Findings from this study have important implications for state policymakers and college stakeholders in career services, academic advising, and workforce development.
2020 was a year marked by movements and popular resistance unprecedented in scope in the wake of the police murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. These waves of protest were matched by waves of press releases, from foundations and businesses large and small, pledging not only verbal support for addressing racism but significant monetary pledges to make it a reality. Estimates of the total amount pledged ranged from the tens of billions of dollars on the low end to McKinsey's mid-2021 estimate of $200 billion.In December 2021, the Philanthropic Initiative for Racial Equity (PRE) released a report examining whether the new funding commitments to racial equity and justice made by foundations and large corporations were fulfilled. PRE's finding, that the amount of confirmed money distributed was a mere shadow of the public pledges made, was corroborated by a report by PolicyLink and The Bridgespan Group in June 2021 after more grant data had been collected.The story the data tells of 2020 is that when it comes to race, too often in philanthropy we talk the talk but we're less likely to finish the race.One of the most critical needs during the dual COVID and racial injustice pandemic was supporting children and families and protecting young people's opportunity to learn and to thrive. As such, it was critically important that education and funders deliver at an accelerated rate.The Schott Foundation for Public Education worked with Candid, a center for nonprofit resources and tools, over the past two years to critically examine the ultimate measure of K-12 education philanthropy's priorities: where the grant dollars go. Our project, #JusticeIsTheFoundation, assesses the collective philanthropic impact of giving in the education sector through a lens of racial equity and racial justice. The data tells the story of what philanthropy prioritizes and reveals blind spots in our collective response. In early 2021, we launched the project with the first data set from that collaboration, based on grants made from 2017-2019. In this report, we're covering grants made from 2018-2020.As you will see in the pages ahead, K-12 education philanthropy has a long way to go to meet the demands of this urgent moment.
Sex education is not exempt from the evil of systemic racism and white supremacy woven in American Society. In fact, the mythology of white supremacy is based on an idealized goal of the United States (U.S.) as a white nation state that exerts population controls to maintain power over racial and ethnic minority groups through political, economic, and social dominance.State departments of education, individual school districts, and even sex educators themselves must update their sex education provisions and curricula to ensure comprehensive sex education programs utilize a racial justice lens. This will support young people in developing a shared understanding of how racial stereotypes distort public perceptions of sexuality and impact the lived experiences of POC in America. These steps must be taken in order to create a shared responsibility to resist these stereotypes and the racist behaviors and public policies that perpetuate them.Thus, the purpose of this publication is to offer a rationale and a call to action for creating anti-racist sex education programs that purposefully abandon any "color-blind" approaches to sex education. This resource includes: a timeline of historical experiences of racism; an exploration of the formation of racialized sexual identities and how the sexualization of race was used to suppress and impact marginalized communities including Black, Native American or Indigenous, Asian American, Pacific Islander, and Latinx communities; ways that systemic racism has impacted the classroom and student experiences of sex education; and, finally, examples of how sex educators can incorporate anti-racist lessons into programs in alignment with the National Sex Education Standards (NSES), second edition.
In this paper, the Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) and the National Consumer Law Center (NCLC) explore the disproportionate impact of student debt on Black borrowers. We also make recommendations to address the dual student loan and college affordability crises through federal policies and executive action. These steps include administrative action to extend the student loan payment pause; ensure a smooth transition of loan accounts to new servicers; provide increased protections for borrowers, particularly those who are victims of predatory lending and for-profit colleges; improve existing repayment options, including Income-Driven Repayment (IDR); and invest in college affordability through federal grants like the Pell Grant, a federal free community college program, and support for student basic needs.
Despite decades of research demonstrating the positive outcomes associated with comprehensive sex education (CSE), there is a small international movement that is well-funded, fear-mongering, and vocal in its opposition to not only advancing this widely supported instruction, but is also starting to attack other school-based programs to affirm the increasing diversity of today's youth. This report reveals the ways in which the anti-CSE movement has morphed with other far-right groups to organize against inclusive programs in public schools, and explores how advocates can best work against these efforts.
Postsecondary education has the potential to transform individual lives, support families, strengthen communities, build a more robust workforce, catalyze economic mobility, and address persistent inequities in our society. To develop policies that can realize the full potential of higher education, it is essential that equity—particularly racial equity—be centered throughout the policymaking process.
Since 2002, over 60 local food procurement incentive bills for schools and early care sites have been introduced in state legislatures, and 23 have passed. While these bills promise benefits to children, schools, and producers, limited data collection and evaluation make it difficult to assess the true impacts of these policies' implementation. Data and evaluation focused on the equity impacts of these bills are especially sparse. In this commentary, the authors provide recommendations for improving data collection and evaluation of these local food incentive bills in order to inform and advance more equitable farm-to-school policy and programs.
The U.S. Air Force's Diversity and Inclusion Task Force was established to specifically assess ways of improving diversity, equity, and inclusion within the Department of the Air Force (DAF). The task force asked the RAND Corporation to explore several topics that resulted in deep-dive projects. One of the topics was assessing the efficacy of making Tuskegee University in Alabama a "feeder for the Air Force" to assist with increasing racial and ethnic diversity in officer accessions. Our first order of business was to explore, codify, and define the use of the term "feeder" in the Air Force context. The results of the exploration revealed that there is no official regulatory definition for the use of the term. Even if used as a term of art, it is still necessary to define and codify the term for the purposes of increasing diversity in accessions in a meaningful way.
The Atlanta massacre on March 16, 2021, spurred a series of solidarity statements with the broader Asian and Asian American1 community from higher education institutions across the nation. While many colleges and universities have expressed their grief and support with the larger Asian and Asian American community, the same institutions have yet to reflect and reckon with their own history of exclusion, which has omitted Asian and Asian American students from larger conversations of diversity, equity, and inclusion. The purposes of this brief are to name the forms of anti-Asian racism that already exist in higher education institutions and to propose a series of recommendations to address the foreseeable forms of overt and covert anti-Asian violence that may occur when students return to campuses in fall 2021 and beyond. We recommend that institutions of higher education: create effectual task forces to think strategically about racism and xenophobia towards Asian and Asian American students; increase funding for ethnic studies, specifically, Asian American Studies Departments, Programs, and Centers; and collect and report disaggregated data on diverse subgroups of Asian and Asian American students.
The COVID-19 pandemic has posed many challenges for K-12 students. However, these challenges have not been experienced equally across student groups. There has been a significant increase in mainstream media coverage of anti-Asian racism, but very little attention has been given to Asian American youth, who are not immune from incidents of bullying and harassment in our K-12 schools. This brief discusses how Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI)1 students face unique challenges associated with bullying and harassment because of their racial and ethnic identity. We examine the historical context of bullying and harassment of Asian Americans and how that persists as anti-Asian racism today. Finally, we propose policy solutions to create a more positive learning environment and address racist attitudes towards this specific community. Notably, we propose that K-12 leaders disaggregate data by ethnic subgroup, collect more comprehensive data on school bullying, harassment, and victimization disaggregated by AAPI ethnic subgroups, and invest in culturally sustaining mental health resources and curriculum.
This report presents findings from a research study the Black Education Research Collective (BERC) conducted to better understand how the COVID-19 pandemic and systemic racism have impacted Black education from the perspectives of Black parents, teachers, students, educators, and community leaders. Findings underscored the historical and systemic nature of trauma in Black communities as a result of racism in U.S. institutions, including schools and school systems. Participants expressed concern over the fact that schools are ill-equipped to meet the social, emotional, and academic needs of their children and that COVID-19 and increasing racial violence have revealed further their lack of capacity or willingness to meet the educational needs of Black students or expectations of Black parents.